----------------------------------------------------- Alternative Roadmap for Peace in Palestine/Israel Two-State Solution with Economic Union, 2003-2005 ----------------------------------------------------- After 55 years of tragic conflict in Palestine/Israel, this roadmap outlines a scheme and schedule for a peaceful solution based on implementation of relevant United Nations resolutions and provisions of international law. Specifically, this roadmap focuses on implementation of the following resolutions: * United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181 (29 November 1947) calling for a partition of historical Palestine into two states with written Constitutions guaranteeing basic human rights, multi-ethnic democracy, and nondiscrimination by "race, religion, or sex." * United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194 (11 December 1948), affirming the right under customary international law of refugees displaced in the 1947-1948 war to return to their home villages, towns, or districts and "live at peace with their neighbors." * United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 (22 November 1967, 22 October 1973) calling for "withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied" in the 1967 war; a lasting peace for the region based on secure borders with mutual recognition among all states within it; and "a just settlement of the refugee problem." Today, as in 1947, historical Palestine is "a land of two peoples," often known as Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews. Any two-state solution must confront the problem not only of dividing the land into two states, but of guaranteeing full citizenship with equal civil rights for both peoples in each state, and of fostering cooperation and civil unity between these intimately intermingled nationalities. To achieve multi-ethnic democracy and diversity within each state while maximizing the security of both peoples, this roadmap adds to the human and civil rights safeguards of Resolution 181 the explicit principle of binationalism. Both states shall adopt Constitutions recognizing Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews as national groups with equal nationality rights to be maintained and protected regardless of demographic changes in the constituency of a state. Such a solution calls for a delicate balance between the national rights of each group and the theme of shared citizenship upon which Resolution 181 rightly places emphasis, with a common parliamentary body in each of the two states based on proportional representation. More generally, any viable system of democracy is a delicate balance: the purpose of this roadmap is to outline a general framework while allowing much necessary room for interplay and flexibility between the relevant parties and peoples. Such a general framework involves the following main goals and steps: (1) The establishment of two sovereign states, a State of Israel and a State of Palestine, based essentially on the provisional boundaries of the 1948-1949 Armistice Agreements (the "pre-1967 boundaries"), but with some scope for minor adjustments or rectification of borders as suggested by one interpretation of UNSC 242 and 338. (2) The enactment by the State of Israel of a written Constitution based on the democratic and nondiscriminatory principles of UNGA 181 and the principle of binationalism. (3) Full and prompt implementation of the Right of Return recognized at customary international law and affirmed by UNGA 194 and subsequent resolutions (e.g. UNGA 3236, 22 November 1974) for all Palestinian refugees of 1947-1950 and descendants who wish to return to their ancestral towns, villages, or districts within the State of Israel; and the granting of full Israeli citizenship to these returnees. (4) The enactment by the new State of Palestine of a written Constitution likewise based on the democratic and nondiscriminatory principles of UNGA 181 and the principle of binationalism. (5) The naturalization as full Palestinian citizens of those Israeli Jews now residing within the territory of the new State of Palestine who wish to stay, and of any Jewish refugees of 1947-1950 who were displaced from this territory and descendants who wish to return, on the basis of equal citizenship and equitable sharing of resources. (6) The establishment of an Economic Union between the two states with a united capital incorporating the region of al-Quds/Jerusalem and Bethlehem and governed by a Special Regime of Peace based on democracy, binationalism, autonomy for each state in its access to imports and exports, labor equity, and international guarantees for freedom of travel and the integrity of the Holy Places. (NOTE: Henceforth the term "refugees of 1948" will signify more generally the refugees of 1947-1950, and also some Palestinian Arab refugees who may have been displaced during the period of 1950-1959 by Israeli state action.) While the roadmap charts some orderly landmarks and steps in achieving these goals over the period 2003-2005, some of the processes of implementation would necessarily continue beyond this period. For example, prompt but orderly and humane fulfillment of the Right of Return for Palestinian refugees of 1948 to their ancestral villages, neighborhoods, or districts within the State of Israel will likely require some years, assuming an immigration of around 200,000-300,000 refugees each year until all who wish to return have done so. Also, the purpose here is to establish a viable structure for peace and democracy, not to attempt the impossible task of stating the last word as to the future of the region. It is enough for this purpose, for example, to recognize the necessity of an Economic Union for the reasons leading to its inclusion in UNGA 181, a necessity further reinforced by the heightened economic interdepedence and integration of all historical Palestine today. Whether this Economic Union might lead to a closer political integration of the two states, or even to a single unified country, is up to the choices of the two peoples as informed by the logic of a history yet to be experienced and written. ------------------------------------------------------------------- 1. The Year 2003: Urgent Peacekeeping and Declaration of Principles ------------------------------------------------------------------- During the remainder of the year 2003, the roadmap begins with two initial tasks at once addressing the immediate crisis of violence in Palestine/Israel, and laying a foundation for a just solution. ------------------------------------------------ 1.1. Urgent Peacekeeping and Conflict Resolution ------------------------------------------------ As promptly as possible, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) and other Israeli police or security forces present within the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967 shall be replaced by United Nations peacekeeping forces. Further, members of local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) concerned with human rights and nonviolent conflict resolution shall be welcome to observe conditions in these territories and to cooperate with United Nations personnel and organizations (e.g. the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, UNRWA) in these peacekeeping efforts. Additionally, the United Nations may introduce observers into communities or areas within the State of Israel (pre-1967 borders) as an interim measure to safeguard the basic civil and human rights guaranteed assured to members of both the Israeli Jewish and Palestinian Arab communities under UNGA 181. Such rights include protection against discriminatory house demolitions, denials of building permits, or arbitrary confiscation of property; appropriate representation and municipal services for all towns and villages, including those with predominantly minority populations; and security against intercommunal violence for all persons. Members of local and international NGO's shall be welcome to cooperate with United Nations personnel in this monitoring effort. ------------------------------ 1.2. Declaration of Principles ------------------------------ As soon as feasible, a Peace Conference shall be convened with representation of at least the following directly interested parties: (a) The Government of the State of Israel; (b) The Government of the Palestinian National Authority; (c) Representatives of the Palestinian Arab national minority citizens of the State of Israel; (d) Representatives of the Palestinian Arab refugees of 1948 (including descendants) residing outside of Palestine/Israel; (e) Representatives of the Israeli Jewish national minority within the territory of the State of Palestine to be created as part of this process (here taken to comprise the territories occupied in the 1967 war, although some border adjustments might occur as negotiations proceed); and (f) Representatives of any Jewish refugees of 1948 from the territory to become part of the State of Palestine who wish to return to their towns, villages, or districts within the borders of this new state. All these parties shall as soon as possible, but no later than 31 December 2003, agree upon a Declaration of Principles recognizing the following human and civil rights guarantees and guidelines for a just and stable peace: (1) The establishment of two democratic and binational states living side by side in peace based on the equality and common citizenship of both nationalities (Palestinian Arab and Israeli Jewish) within each state, including a right of full naturalization for Israeli Jews now residing within the territory of the State of Palestine who choose to remain and sign a solemn declaration that they "wish to live at peace with their neighbors." (2) Full, prompt, and orderly implementation of refugee rights within each state, including the Right of Return for all 1948 refugees who choose to exercise this right and sign a solemn declaration that they "wish to live at peace with their neighbors" (see UNGA 194), with the clear commitment that no present citizens or residents of either state shall be newly displaced as a result of implementing these rights; (3) The categorical rejection by both states of any discrimination by "race, religion, or sex," with equal rights for believers and nonbelievers, and for members of Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, Islam) and non-Abrahamic religions alike; (4) The categorical and constitutional exclusion by both states of such elementary human rights violations as the death penalty, extrajudicial killings, or torture; (5) The creation of an Economic Union to promote a viable economic _modus vivendi_ for the new Palestine/Israel and make possible an equitable sharing and management of water and other vital resources, while protecting the autonomy of each state in its access to imports and exports and advancing the imperative goal of labor equity between the two states with equal opportunity for members of all nationalities and ethnicities; (6) The establishment as the capital of this Economic Union of a united al-Quds/Jerusalem organized on democratic and binational principles and representing the promise of fruitful peace between the two peoples which may serve as a hope for all the world; and (7) Full and prompt implementation of the Right of Return for all 1948 refugees and descendants of either national group from this region of al-Quds/Jerusalem. This Declaration of Principles (DOP) shall serve as an empowering and constraining framework for the subsequent steps of the roadmap. ---------------------------------------------------------------------- 2. The Year 2004: State Constitutions and Pilot Refugee Return Program ---------------------------------------------------------------------- In the year 2004, both the State of Israel and the emerging State of Palestine shall draft democratic Constitutions as mandated by the provisions of UNGA 181 and the principle of binationalism, and shall conduct pilot programs to ascertain as far as possible at this point the likely preferences of refugee populations in exercising a free choice for repatriation, local integration in present places of residence, or resettlement in some third country. Mechanisms and educational programs shall be developed to achieve the prompt, humane, and orderly repatriation of 1948 refugees who so choose, and to promote a warm welcome with full acceptance and social as well as civic equality for such returning refugees. --------------------------------------------- 2.1. Drafting of a Constitution by Each State --------------------------------------------- Within both the State of Israel and the emerging State of Palestine, appropriate constituent assemblies or similar groups shall convene to draft Constitutions in accord with UNGA 181 and the DOP. Special care shall be taken that representative segments of both national groups in each state, and of various ethnic minority groups (e.g. Bedouins, Kurdish Jews), are amply included. The DOP and UNGA 181 set some general standards and constraints for these Constitutions, but leave open many points for resolution according to the best judgment of the representatives and people of each state. Such points would include the following: * The fine balance between the common identity of all citizens within a state, and specific nationality rights. At a minimum, these binational rights would include ethnic, cultural, and linguistic rights, with at least Arabic and Hebrew recognized as official languages by both states, and the unofficial use of other languages protected. Additionally, certain coordinate national institutions for each group within a state might be established, but so as not to prejudice a general emphasis on common citizenship and a Parliament representing all citizens along lines of proportional representation (UNGA 181). It is important that binationalism should mean a recognition of diversity and cultural security within a flexible and dynamic democratic system which can respond to a range of national, ethnic, political, and economic interests within a society based on common citizenship. * The possible creation in either or both states of a system of cantons or federal districts to promote local autonomy and represent the demographic diversity of the society in different areas or regions within its borders. While such arrangements have often been proposed for a single state including all of historical Palestine or Palestine/Israel, they might also have appeal for one or both of the states in the two-state solution to be effected by this roadmap process. * Along with recognition of the basic human right of conscientious objection to armed military service, the possible establishment of an alternative Binational Peace Service within one or both states where young people who might otherwise be subject to military conscription could instead receive training and perform service in nonviolent conflict resolution and peace education for the benefit of all citizens. * The development of systems of public education which will promote mutual knowledge, respect, and understanding between the two peoples and among all ethnic groups, including early fluency in Arabic and Hebrew alike, while at the same time not excluding the right of alternative or private schools so that members of both national groups will feel secure in the right to preserve and transmit their cultural heritages. Drafts of Constitutions for democratic approval by the residents of each state shall be ready no later than 31 December 2004. ------------------------------------------------------- 2.2. Pilot Programs and Issues Regarding Refugee Return ------------------------------------------------------- While UNGA 194 and the DOP set a general framework for full exercise of the Right of Return by all who so freely choose, there remain substantial questions to be resolved as to the fine points of implementation and the development of mechanisms for the most efficient, respectful, dignified, humane, and hospitable reception of these returnees to either state. The standard for a "full and prompt" return under the DOP becomes easier to define, at least roughly, if we consider some quantitative aspects of the problem. There are an estimated 3.9 million Palestinian Arab refugees registered with UNRWA who have a Right of Return within the State of Israel (pre-1967 borders), while one estimate specifies about 5.5 million such refugees (registered and unregistered) worldwide. If we assume that about 3 million refugees wish to return within Israel, at a rate of 300,000 refugees per year, this would call for an implementation process lasting approximately a decade. If a smaller proportion of the Palestinian refugee population chose to return, the process could be accomplished in a shorter time; if a large majority decided to return, then the process might possible take up to about 15 years -- but not substantially longer. The return within the new State of Palestine of any Jewish refugees of 1948 or descendants could likely be a much speedier process, because the total numbers of refugees involved are smaller. The likely result of any implementation of the Right of Return in each state consistent with UNGA 194 and the DOP is a State of Israel not too far from a demographic parity between the two national groups, and a State of Palestine with a strong Palestinian Arab majority, but a substantial Israeli Jewish minority. The latter minority would likely be comprised mainly of current Israeli Jewish residents who decide to stay and become Palestinian citizens, with returning Jewish refugees playing a relatively minor role in this demographic mix (although they may have a unique experience and viewpoint to contribute for the benefit of all citizens). The return of even a few such refugees would enhance a sense of binational diversity, respect, and reconciliation. No later than 30 June 2004, both the State of Israel and the emerging State of Palestine shall establish pilot programs to survey refugee communities as to their preferences, and to implement repatriation for a sampling of refugees who choose this option. Between 30 June and 31 December of 2004, for example, the State of Israel would join with refugee organizations and other NGO's as well as UNRWA in a survey of as many refugee camps and other communities as possible in order to ascertain some of the likely patterns of return. During this period, the repatriation of something like 50,000-100,000 refugees within the pre-1967 borders would serve as an appropriate pilot program to develop and refine some of the mechanisms of return, while educating Israeli citizens of both nationalities as to the importance of receiving the returnees with an enthusiastic welcome as full citizens. During this same period, the emerging government of the State of Palestine would seek out any Jewish refugees of 1948 (including descendants) in any portion of the world who might choose to return within the territory of the new state. Any refugees thus found, likely a rather small number, would be quickly accommodated. Development of the pilot programs, which should more generally promote binational awareness and understanding in each state, would go hand in hand with resolution of some fine points regarding the general implementation of the Right of Return. Here are some main issues: * The Right of Return is precisely a right of free choice; as human rights organizations such as Amnesty International have observed, refugees should be offered a choice between repatriation and a maximum number of alternatives such as local integration or resettlement in a third country. * If a refugee's 1948 home is no longer standing, or is now housing other people, then the Right of Return is to the "vicinity" of the original home, generally meaning the same neighborhood, town, or village -- as close as practicable. One might propose a standard that, at least, return should almost always be available within a kilometer or two of this original location. * In some cases, the most equitable solution may be to have the present residents of a refugee's former home or property remain (under the nondisplacement guarantee of the DOP) while moving the title of the lease to the returning refugee, who can use the rental income to purchase, build, or rent housing nearby. * The provisions of UNGA 194 call for compensation to returning refugees for property damaged or lost, and compensation for property left behind by refugees who choose not to return. There is some room for negotiation on the implementation of these provisions after 55 years. Advancing international standards of justice and accountability to refugees suggest the return of personal or family items where this is reasonably possible, with monetary compensation as an alternative where this proves impracticable. * Repatriation within the State of Israel should be extended first to the refugees in the most crowded or desperate condition who choose this alternative: for example, Palestinian Arab refugees in Gaza (within the territories occupied by Israel in 1967) and Lebanon. About a million such refugees can and should be received in the first three or four years of the process (say 2005-2008), assuming that this many choose return, with other registered or nonregistered refugees then received in turn at a similar annual rate until repatriation has been fully implemented. It should be understood that the Right of Return belongs to all refugees displaced by armed conflict, and that its implementation is an impartial requirement of international law (in Palestine/Israel or elsewhere) rather than an historical judgment as to the rights, wrongs, or merits of the parties to such a conflict. Full and prompt implementation of the Right of Return within the region of al-Quds/Jerusalem allocated to the Special Regime for Peace, as guaranteed by the DOP, is treated separately in Section 3.6 below. Since many of the same principles apply in this capital regime as within either of the two states, the general refugee guidelines and programs developed during 2004 should facilitate the resolution of these issues for al-Quds/Jerusalem as part of the final status negotiations in 2005. ------------------------------------------------------- 3. The Year 2005: Final Status Issues -- Economic Union ------------------------------------------------------- Early in the year 2005, the draft Constitutions authored in 2004 should be submitted to the voters of each state. At the same time, certain final status issues involving cooperation of the two binational states would be resolved in a manner consistent with the DOP and some general principles of UNGA 181, but with allowance for changes over the past 55 years which influence the best design today for a Special Regime of Peace in a united al-Quds/Jerusalem, the capital of the Economic Union. Final status issues should be resolved not later than 31 December 2005, thus setting in place two democratic and binational states as a basis for a stable peace under UNGA 181 and 194 and UNSC 242 and 338. ------------------------------------------------------- 3.1. Possible Border Adjustments Between the Two States ------------------------------------------------------- In providing for "withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict," while excluding "the acquisition of territory by war," UNSC 242 seems to recognize the pre-1967 borders as the basis for a two-state solution while leaving some room for minor border adjustments or rectifications. A factor in this somewhat ambiguous wording in English ("territories occupied" rather than "the territories occupied") might be the tentative nature of the 1948-1949 Armistice Agreements, which were intended to satisfy immediate military considerations rather than to represent any kind of political resolution of border questions. Thus the language of UNSC 242 could be taken as in effect recognizing these pre-1967 borders (the "Green Line") as the overall basis for a solution, without excluding all adjustments. One important safeguard is that persons now citizens of the State of Israel, and especially citizens of the Palestinian Arab minority, should not be denaturalized involuntarily as a result of such shifts. While border adjustments might be favored in order to accommodate, for example, certain natural features or land use patterns (e.g. placing a village and its accustomed lands on the same side of the border), they should be made consistent with a multi-ethnic and binational design which seeks to maximize diversity within each state. The general purpose is to facilitate intimate association and interaction between the two peoples within each state. ----------------------------- 3.2. Dual Citizenship Options ----------------------------- Since Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews would have equal nationality rights guaranteed within either binational state, one could raise a question as to the possible advantages of permitting dual citizenship for some people -- that is, citizenship in both states. This option might be attractive for some Israeli Jews now residing in the Palestinian territories who choose to stay there and become Palestinian citizens, but who would like additionally to retain their Israeli citizenship. Dual citizenship is also a possible option for areas affected by possible minor border adjustments (Section 3.1): residents of such areas could retain their present citizenship while also acquiring a new one. The question of dual citizenship options, left open by the DOP, is one area that could be addressed in final status negotiations. ---------------------------------------------------------------- 3.3. Integration of Israeli Jewish Citizens in Palestinian State ---------------------------------------------------------------- As provided in the DOP, any Israeli Jews now residing within the territory of the new State of Palestine have the right to remain as fully naturalized and equal citizens of the new state with Israeli Jewish national rights as safeguarded under the binational principle and instituted by the Constitution of this state. One complication of implementing this policy is the problem of "all-Jewish settlements" established since the 1967 war. The solution which seems most consistent with the principle of binational democracy and diversity is the integration of these settlements as multi-ethnic communities by the replacement of some current residents who choose to leave with Palestinian Arabs. Such a process should be coupled with massive and internationally supported efforts to develop adequate infrastructure in all regions of the new Palestinian state, as well as in predominantly Palestinian Arab areas within the State of Israel, a topic addressed in Section 5 of this roadmap. ------------------- 3.4. Economic Union ------------------- For a truly stable and viable peace with prosperity, an Economic Union between the two states seems mandated by the asymmetries between the two states in a setting of increasing economic integration and interdependence of natural resources. Any two-state solution based on the pre-1967 borders must confront the asymmetry of a State of Israel including over 77% of historical Palestine, and a State of Palestine including less than 23%. The goal of two viable states sharing precious resources such as water requires some structure of coordination and equitable decisionmaking. The Economic Union might consist of members elected by voters of the two states and of the Special Regime of Peace in the al-Quds/Jerusalem district, with a role also for international representatives. Here it should be noted that the binational outlook of each state should assist in facilitating the cooperation required in an Economic Union. While the provisions of UNGA 181 can provide some guidance, changes over the last 55 years both in the economy of Palestine/Israel and in the general state of global technology and integration suggest negotiations aiming at an adaption of the 1947 proposal to the new realities of today. As reflected in the language of the DOP (Section 1.2), an Economic Union must not only promote binationalism and interdependence but address some vital concerns raised by the asymmetries of a two-state solution in regard to economic autonomy and labor equity. Specifically, the new State of Palestine must be free to develop its own import and export markets even while sharing much of its economic life with the State of Israel. Also, the issue of labor equity must be squarely addressed: Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews must share in economic as well as political democracy if a just peace is to flourish, with protection for the labor rights of a range of ethnic or minority groups. Concerns regarding labor equity must necessarily involve not only Palestine/Israel itself but the whole region. An Economic Union of Palestine/Israel assertively pursuing policies of binational cooperation, autonomy of trade for each of its two states, and labor rights could set a positive precedent for neighboring states and communities also, promoting peace and economic democracy throughout the region. ----------------------------------------------- 3.5. Al-Quds/Jerusalem: Special Regime of Peace ----------------------------------------------- As provided in the DOP, a district including al-Quds/Jerusalem and surrounding communities such as Bethlehem should become a binational and united capital of the Economic Union. While UNGA 181 describes an international regime, the conditions of today might best be served by an essentially binational regime with certain international guarantees and an element of oversight by the United Nations. --------------------------------------- 3.6. Al-Quds/Jerusalem: Right of Return --------------------------------------- As noted in the DOP and at the conclusion of Section 2.2 above, the same principles of international law and UNGA 194 governing the Right of Return for 1948 refugees within the two states also apply to the region of al-Quds/Jerusalem allocated to the Special Regime for Peace. If a 1948 refugee's home is still standing, and is not otherwise occupied (principle of nondisplacement of current residents), then the right of return is to this home. Otherwise, the right is for a return to the "vicinity" of the home -- within the same neighborhood of al-Quds/Jerusalem, for example. Thus a Palestinian Arab refugee of 1948 from the Qatamon District of al-Quds/Jerusalem should be able to return to that district -- or, at least to a nearby district in Western al-Quds/Jerusalem. In densely populated areas, some creative urban planning and development might be required to accommodate returning refugees without displacing present residents. It is possible in some cases that refugees might temporarily occupy housing in communities reasonably near to their ancestral neighborhoods or districts with the understanding that they will receive preferential rights to move to these neighborhoods as vacancies become available. As in the two states, arrangements whereby present residents of a refugee's home maintain their residence under a lease with title moved to the returning refugee, who could use the rental income to obtain housing nearby, might address some dilemmas in a humane manner. While the Right of Return is an individual right of each refugee to be honored for its own sake, refugee repatriation in al-Quds/Jerusalem additionally serves (as in the two states) to foster multi-ethnic diversity and integration, especially appropriate values for realization in the City of Peace and its environs. ---------------------------------- 4. Overview of the Roadmap Process ---------------------------------- As presented above, the roadmap process for a two-state solution can be divided into three phases, in practice sometimes overlapping: PHASE I: URGENT PEACEKEEPING AND DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES (2003). The purpose of this phase is to break the cycle of violence, to halt current or imminent violations of basic human rights in the territory allocated to either the State of Israel (pre-1967 borders) or the new State of Palestine, and to establish agreement among relevant parties as to a Declaration of Principles setting the foundation for the structure of peace to be built during the rest of the process and beyond. PHASE II: DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTIONS AND REFUGEE RIGHTS (2004). The focus of this phase is on the basic human and civil rights provisions of UNGA 181 and 194, as also incorporated in the DOP, as the conditions for peace through multi-ethnic democracy and diversity. The added safeguard of explicitly binational Constitutions for each state serves to reassure the two peoples that they can securely maintain ethnic, cultural, and language rights while freely interacting on the basis of common citizenship. Repatriation and integration of 1948 refugees who so choose into each state, while itself mandated by customary and evolving standards of international law also reflected by United Nations resolutions, also serves to promote the values binationalism and ethnic integration. PHASE III: FINAL STATUS ISSUES (2005). This phase centers especially on issues involving cooperation and coordination between the two states: possible minor border adjustments under UNSC 242 and 338; possible dual citizenship arrangements; integration of present Israeli Jewish residents of the Palestinian territories who so wish into the new State of Palestine as equal citizens, and conversion of all-Jewish settlements into multi-ethnic communities; establishment of an Economic Union, and of a Special Regime of Peace for al-Quds/Jerusalem as the united and binational capital of this Economic Union. ------------------------------------------------------- 5. International Reconstruction and Development Efforts ------------------------------------------------------- In addition to involving many tragic episodes of violence in various regions of Palestine/Israel, the last 55 years have resulted in an often calamitously uneven and inequitable pattern of development. Any stable and prosperous peace must seek to achieve a standard of adequate infrastructure and public services throughout all portions of historical Palestine, while allowing room for the preferences and choices of local communities with their own cultural traditions and needs, and maximizing community participation in the development process. The international community, which sadly from 1947 to the present has all too often failed to intervene effectively to enforce United Nations resolutions and provisions of international law vital to the health and economic well-being of both nationalities, must now recognize that the costs of effective and democratically directed development are less than those of continued instability with its risks of physical and structural violence. Specifically, the new Palestinian state requires massive development assistance to put infrastructure and municipal services into place after the situation for the last 36 years since the 1967 war. Likewise, the Palestinian Arab citizens of the State of Israel, including returning 1948 refugees, require an economic basis for full equality not only in theory but also in practice as a vital ingredient for peace and healing between the two nationalities within this state. Ethnic groups such as the Bedouins, who have often lived in "Unrecognized Villages" denied the most basic municipal services, require both the means of community development and the freedom to adapt such means to their own cultural traditions with an emphasis on self-determination and dignity. In excluding discrimination by reason of "race, religion, or sex," UNGA 181 points today to the importance of a leading role for women of both nationalities and all ethnic groups within Palestine/Israel in this development process. As is often true in human history, the motifs of peace, equality, diversity and prosperity are intimately intertwined. Respectfully submitted in this first draft by Margo Schulter mschulter@calweb.com 7 October 2003